This article claims that the Memphis police department uncharacteristically didn’t deploy King’s usual security force and moved other Negro police and fire department employees away from places where they would have had a chance to witness what happened at the Lorraine Motel, where a phone call from someone who identified himself as a member of King’s entourage had moved King’s room reservation from a more secure inner part of the motel to the exposed balcony…but nobody in King’s entourage made the call. These details and many more were revealed in a trial in Memphis in 1999 that was universally ignored by the MSM.
At the time, King was promoting a march on Washington that would have involved massive civil disobedience in an effort to change the country’s focus from the war of aggression in SE Asia to a fairer distribution of the wealth. Rev. James Lawson says, “I have no doubt that the government viewed all this seriously enough to plan his assassination.”
Here’s an excerpt from the text of a speech Rev. King gave exactly a year before he was killed…..
Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision. There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor — both black and white — through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam and I watched the program broken and eviscerated as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.
Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. So we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. So we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would never live on the same block in Detroit. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.
This is as true today about the war against Iraq as it was then about the war in Vietnam.